Thursday, October 21, 2010

More than 100 dead in suspected cholera outbreak in Haiti

Doctors are testing for cholera, typhoid and other illnesses in the Caribbean nation's deadliest outbreak since the January earthquake

An outbreak of severe diarrhea has killed at least 135 people in rural central Haiti and sickened hundreds more who overwhelmed a crowded hospital on Thursday seeking treatment. Health workers suspected the disease is cholera, but were awaiting tests.

Hundreds of patients lay on blankets in a parking lot outside St. Nicholas hospital in the port city of St. Marc with IVs in their arms for rehydration. As rain began to fall in the afternoon, nurses rushed to carry them inside.

Doctors were testing for cholera, typhoid and other illnesses in the Caribbean nation's deadliest outbreak since a January earthquake that killed as many as 300,000 people.

Catherine Huck, deputy country director for the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, said the Caribbean nation's health ministry had recorded 135 deaths and more than 1,000 infected people.

"What we know is that people have diarrhea, and they are vomiting, and (they) can go quickly if they are not seen in time," Huck said. She said doctors were still awaiting lab results to pinpoint the disease.

The president of the Haitian Medical Association, Claude Surena, said the cause appeared to be cholera, but added that had not been confirmed by the government.

"The concern is that it could go from one place to another place, and it could affect more people or move from one region to another one," he said.

Cholera is a waterborne bacterial infection spread through contaminated water. It causes severe diarrhea and vomiting that can lead to dehydration and death within hours. Treatment involves administering a salt and sugar-based rehydration serum.

The sick come from across the rural Artibonite region, which did not experience significant damage in the January 12 quake but has absorbed thousands of refugees from the devastated capital 45 miles south of St. Marc.

Some patients said they drank water from a public canal, while others said they bought purified water. All complained of symptoms including fever, vomiting and severe diarrhea.

"I ran to the bathroom four times last night vomiting," said 70-year-old Belismene Jean Baptiste.

Trucks loaded with medical supplies including rehydration salts were to be sent from Port-au-Prince to the hospital, said Jessica DuPlessis, an OCHA spokeswoman. Doctors at the hospital said they also needed more personnel to handle the flood of patients.

Elyneth Tranckil was among dozens of relatives standing outside the hospital gate as new patients arrived near death.

"Police have blocked the entry to the hospital, so I can't get in to see my wife," Tranckil said.

Aid groups were mobilising to ship medicine, water filtration units and other relief supplies to the Artibonite region.

"We have been afraid of this since the earthquake," said Robin Mahfood, president of Food for the Poor, which was preparing to airlift donations of antibiotics, oral dehydration salts and other supplies.

The US Embassy in Port-au-Prince issued an advisory urging people to drink only bottled or boiled water and eat only food that has been thoroughly cooked.


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---
Mosi A. Ifatunji, Ph.D. Candidate
ASA Pre-Doctoral Fellow
University of Illinois at Chicago
Department of Sociology (MC 312)
1007 West Harrison Street
Chicago, Illinois 60607-7140
Call/Text: (312) 607-2825
Twitter: @ifatunji

Tuesday, October 12, 2010

In Haiti, Rising Call for Displaced to Go Away

By DEBORAH SONTAG
October 4, 2010

PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — As tent camps go, the one on the 28-acre Church of God property overlooking the Valley of Bourdon is almost bucolic, with hundreds of canvas-draped shelters under leafy shade trees and a cohesiveness among residents. But panic is building there.

The Church of God is planning to evict the encampment in the near future. While the church relented on a Sept. 30 deadline under pressure from humanitarian officials, it still wants its Haitian headquarters rid of a population that church officials have come to see as a freeloading nuisance.

“This used to be a beautiful place, but these people are tearing up the property,” said Jim Hudson, a Church of God missionary living at the site. “They’re urinating on it. They’re bathing out in public. They’re stealing electricity. And they don’t work. They sit around all day, waiting for handouts.”

Increasingly, property owners here are seeking to dislodge tent camps, saying they are tired of waiting for the government to resettle the people or for the people to resettle themselves.

Almost nine months after the earthquake that devastated Haiti, eviction threats have increased markedly and have become an urgent humanitarian concern, international groups say. Some 144,175 individuals have been subject to threats of eviction since March, and 28,065 have been actually evicted, according to data collected by shelter experts here.

Humanitarian officials have asked the government to consider a moratorium on evictions and to address the issue publicly, urging compassion. They worry that the evictions could increase conflict, lead to the mushrooming of smaller sites without services and force people into locations that are unsafe.

“It’s a huge problem that could exacerbate lots of other problems,” said Lilianne Fan, the housing, land and property coordinator for the multiagency shelter cluster. “The bottom line is that the vulnerable become more vulnerable, and you get into a situation of continual displacement without a long-term solution.”

Many landowners, fearing that the tent cities will become entrenched slums, say that they need to reclaim their properties sooner rather than later for their intended uses.

Their eviction practices vary, from sudden and violent to mediated and planned. In some cases, landowners have sent thugs to slash or burn tents; in others they have offered cash payoffs to expedite expulsions.

But whatever the method, the evictions increase the instability of the displaced population for whom few alternatives exist, given the slow pace of the cleanup and reconstruction effort.

Humanitarian officials are working with the government to develop a comprehensive strategy for handling camp closings based on the now scattershot efforts to help people clean up and move back into their neighborhoods.

At the same time, they are mediating these tense situations case by case, seeking to buy time from landowners while they look for solutions for each family. Sometimes an inducement works — for example, the construction of permanent latrines on a property. Other times, a multipronged approach is needed — negotiations, cash and peacekeeping troops.

That was the case at the Palais de l’Art compound in the Delmas municipality this summer after a conflict between the landowner and a leader of the tent camp there built to a peak with mutual threats and reports to the police.

The owner, Joseph St. Fort, said hundreds of families had fled to his land on the day of the earthquake: “I said to myself right then, ‘Uh-oh. You’re in trouble.’ I started feeling panic because I knew it would be very difficult to get rid of them.”

Before the earthquake, Mr. St. Fort had rented out his large property for events. After, he himself moved into a tent inside the compound with the other displaced people. But by March, it was time to restart his business, he said, so he wrote the first of many letters to the government.

“Mr. Minister,” he wrote to the interior minister, “the leadership of the Palais has to notify you that we will be obliged to evict the 320 families who have occupied this terrain since Jan. 12. The leadership regrets that it will not have the assistance of state authorities in evacuating the disaster victims.”

The minister, writing back, requested Mr. St. Fort’s patience — “knowing you are aware of the risks to public security of a premature expulsion.”

Mr. St. Fort waited months, but tensions built with camp residents, who knew he wanted them gone, and especially with one man, a camp leader. In June, Mr. St. Fort ordered the man to leave, and the man refused. So Mr. St. Fort cut off water and sanitation services for the camp and locked the gates, shutting in — or out — the hundreds living there, including amputees and elderly people.

“We feel like prisoners,” Jean Robenson, 17, said at the time as he tended to his grandmother in her wheelchair.

For weeks, AMI, a Portuguese humanitarian group, struggled to mediate. Finally, with the help of Haitian officials, the International Organization for Migration and United Nations troops, they persuaded Mr. St. Fort to let the tent camp remain if the leader was escorted to another site. In a tense meeting, a Haitian humanitarian official urged the camp residents to reject the leader, Reynald.

“Raise your hand if you don’t want Reynald,” the official said.

The crisis was averted, or deferred.

Interviewed in September, Mr. St. Fort said that the Haitian government had paid him $25,000 to let the people stay until December. But, he said, that was not enough. He maintained that he could have earned $150,000 over the same period from evangelical conventions and political party assemblies. “I don’t intend to keep this arrangement going at the price the government is offering,” he said.

At the Church of God site, church officials are also impatient. Where the people go next should be the government’s concern, they say. The church’s land — with a school, Bible college and air-conditioned houses under construction for the missionaries rebuilding churches in the disaster zone — is private property. The homeless are in the way.

Edner Villard, 33, a camp leader, knows that church officials feel that way, and he resents it. He said that he was shocked when he overheard a pastor, his voice raised in anger, tell United Nations officials about the camp residents: “They give me nothing but trouble!” Mr. Villard said his heart starting beating quickly. “We are so peaceful here!” he said. “I didn’t challenge him, and say, ‘You lie,’ because he is the national representative of the Church of God in Haiti. Who am I? But he should have more compassion. He’s a man of God, and a Haitian.”

After the disaster, the church was providing meals to its neighbors, which drew thousands of people to the site. When the rainy season began, humanitarian officials moved those camping on the church site’s steep slopes where landslides were a risk. Other families left of their own accord, renting new homes if they could afford it, or migrating to the countryside. “The people who are left here now are those who have no options,” Mr. Villard said.

Mr. Villard, a former supermarket supervisor, was the only person to survive when the market collapsed in the earthquake, killing dozens. The two-story house he owns in the Valley of Bourdon crumbled, too, and he moved his family to a grassy hillock on the church estate because it was “the closest and most logical place.” He would love to move back home, he said, but his house has been stamped red by government inspectors, meaning it is unsafe. He has no means to demolish it himself, and no materials with which to rebuild it.

“Can’t they provide tools or some kind of assistance?” he asked. “What are we supposed to do? Move into the debris with our raggedy tents?”

Thursday, September 23, 2010

African immigrants make mark on Brooks election

By Tony Seskus
Calgary Herald September 22

BROOKS - Brooks is a pioneer city steeped in cowboy history, but shaped more recently by the thousands of new Canadians who have come to build a life for themselves on the prairies.

This fall, two African-Canadian immigrants each hope to take the next step by making a bid to sit on city council, a significant moment for the century-old community two hours southeast of Calgary.

Born in East Africa, Ahmed Kassem arrived in Canada more than 20 years ago. Today, he's an assistant safety manager at Lakeside Packers and co-founder of an organization that strives to build bridges between new arrivals and the community.

"I am running because I want to make a difference in society," says Kassem, who wants to help grow the city and hopes his efforts will inspire others. "I am very confident my message will relate to all."

Michael Nuul Mayen was a refugee of Sudan's bloody civil war, which claimed nearly two million lives. He arrived in Canada with little more than a bag in 1998. Today, he's executive director of a local language centre.

"I came with nothing, but I got something," Mayen says. "It's time to give it back to the country that nurtured and gave me something."

By all accounts, this is the first time African-Canadian immigrants have made a bid for Brooks council.

Their candidacies are an exciting development for Maureen Chelemu, a pastor at Brooks International Gospel Church and an immigrant from Zambia.

Her hope is that as councillors, Kassem and Mayen would help improve understanding, give new Canadians a greater sense of ownership in their community and bring fresh a perspective to council.

"That's exactly what a community is all about, right? To make a better community," she says. "You bring an idea, I bring an idea and then all of us must have that ownership."

If elected, Kassem and Mayen would add another chapter in the community's history, in which immigration has played a huge part.

More than a century ago, the Brooks area was a hunting ground for First Nations people.

In the late 1880s, European immigrants began to move to the area to farm. More homesteaders arrived as the railroad pushed westward.

A more recent wave of newcomers - mostly refugees from Africa - came about 10 or 15 years ago with a number taking hard-to-fill jobs in the beef-processing industry.

Today, roughly 20 per cent of Brooks' 13,500 residents are new immigrants, with a mother tongue other than English or French.

A visitor these days might hear Filipino, Spanish or Arabic. Indeed, the multicultural community is very much like Canada in miniature.

Yet, local politics - like so many other Alberta communities, including Calgary - has not exactly mirrored that same diversity.

That could change when the ballots are counted on Oct. 18.

Lloyd Wong, a sociologist who studies immigration at the University of Calgary, believes news of two African-Canadian immigrant candidates in Brooks is significant.

"When you run for office, that's a sign of what I would call active citizenship," Wong says.

"That's what democracy is about. So, to me, that's a success story that they would want to run and see that they can potentially help make Brooks a better place to live."

Wong also believes it speaks well of the entire Brooks community, "in the sense that there's encouragement for immigrants to be active."

Brooks Mayor Martin Shields applauds anyone willing to stand for public office, whether "you've been in the community all your life, whether you're new or (been here) 20 years from a different culture."

A total of 13 candidates are vying for six councillor spots. Kassem and Mayen are distinct candidates with their own platforms.

Kassem says it would be an honour to be elected and serve the community. And there's little question that he's passionate about Brooks.

He speaks of the importance of attracting and keeping Brooks residents so that the city can grow and prosper economically.

If elected, "I will be representing the whole residents of Brooks and their interests, you can be sure of that," says Kassem, who also hosts a local radio program promoting cultural understanding.

For his part, Mayen says he is running on a platform of "open, transparent and inclusive representation."

He sees his election bid as a way to contribute to his Canadian home.

Mayen was one of Sudan's thousands of "lost boys" who were displaced or orphaned during the Second Sudanese Civil War.

After arriving in Canada, he pursued his education and graduated from the University of Winnipeg in 2007 with a degree in international development studies.

"I am running as a Canadian citizen," Mayen says. "I felt this is something I should do, something to give back to the community."

The candidates are a hot topic in local coffee shops, according to former mayor Don Weisbeck.

"Municipal politics may be more talked (about) than it has been in years," he adds. "They certainly represent a substantial part of our population and it's good to see ... them running."

On the streets, the news also seems to be largely welcome.

"I don't see why (Brooks) shouldn't move ahead on something like this," says Catherine Burk, who has lived in the area since 1970.

Kashif Mushtaq, a resident of Pakistani origin, believes Kassem's candidacy "will be good for the community and for the city."

But the campaign trail will be full of challenges, especially in a competitive field for a council seat. And some minds will be difficult to change.

"You always have the diehards," adds longtime resident and cabbie Alan Skretting. "The ones who have lived here their whole lives and don't want to see change.

"I've been in the area all my life. I thought it a little early to begin with, but I find good and bad in all cultures, eh? So, I am for it."

tseskus@calgaryherald.com



Read more: http://www.calgaryherald.com/news/African+immigrants+make+mark+Brooks+election/3563634/story.html#ixzz10K5cMI6T

Sunday, September 19, 2010

Russia's first black elected official: "I'm not Obama."

SEPTEMBER 14, 2010 4:50PM


NOVOZAVIDOVO, Russia--A small town with a population of 10,000, has elected Russia's first-ever black public official. Last month, Jean Gregoire Sagbo, an African immigrant from Benin, was elected as one of the town's ten municipal councilors, and by all accounts, the townspeople are happy with their choice. The Mayor of Novozavidovo describes him thusly, "his skin is black but he is Russian inside… the way he cares about this place, only a Russian can care."

What do the people say? "We already knew him as a man of strong civic impulse. He had cleaned the entrance to his apartment building, planted flowers and spent his own money on street improvements. Ten years ago he organized volunteers and started what became an annual day of collecting garbage."

When Sagbo first came to Russia in 1982, he and his family faced racial discrimination. The first black person many in the community had ever seen, he had to overcome a great deal to make Russia his home. Over the years he earned the respect of his community and became a prominent, Russian citizen. The people in this little corner of Russia say they don't see him as black, but only as an honest politician.

This election is a significant milestone for Russia, which has long been known for its racist sub-culture. Russia has an estimated 40,000 "Afro-Russians" in the country today. These African immigrants face systemic racism and are often the victims of hate-crimes, which are rarely prosecuted in the Russian legal system.

Russia has the highest rate of race motivated crimes in the world, so it's unlikely that the racial slurs and violence will abate anytime soon, but Sagbo is hopeful. Pleased to be the historic first for his beloved Russia, he has rolled up his sleeves and settled in for the job of reviving his town. Mr. Sagbo is known to be a congenial fellow, but don't call him Russia's Obama; he scoffs at the oversimplification.

“My name is not Obama…it’s sensationalism, he is black and I am black, but it’s a totally different situation.”

Thursday, September 2, 2010

Uganda: Businessman in Chicago Launches Solar Ovens

Phillip Kurata
31 August 2010

An immigrant from Uganda now residing in Chicago has used the first portion of a $100,000 business competition prize he won in January to begin setting up an operation in his homeland to produce and distribute ovens that cook with the heat of the sun.

Ron Mutebi won his $100,000 prize at the African Diaspora Marketplace competition in Washington in January. The competition, sponsored by Western Union Company and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), provided awards of $50,000 to $100,000 to 14 winners. All of them are Africans residing in the United States who had submitted proposals to establish or expand businesses in their home countries with local partners.

After Western Union disbursed $60,000 of the prize money in May, Mutebi arranged to ship from Chicago the components for 365 solar ovens and tools to assemble them in July. The shipment is scheduled to arrive in Uganda in October. In November, Mutebi will travel to Uganda to oversee the completion of an assembly plant and the training of staff to produce, distribute and service the cookers, made by Sun Ovens International in Elgin, Illinois. The ovens will appear in Ugandan markets in January 2011, according to Mutebi.

Mutebi has already compiled a list of nearly 1,000 people who want to buy one of the ovens, which he said will be sold for $170 each.

"We know the payoff is going to be there. It will be big when it happens," Mutebi said. "There is no other technology that can have such an impact on environmental degradation and global warming in a practical sense."

After acquiring solar ovens, villagers will not have to spend their meager incomes to buy firewood or charcoal, the prime sources of cooking fuel in Uganda, Mutebi said. The use of firewood and charcoal has caused widespread deforestation in Uganda.

Mutebi will arrange a second shipment of oven parts when he receives the rest of the prize money, which he expects to be in November.

The Chicago-based businessman said that as Ugandan companies start to provide locally made components over the next two years, he expects the cost of the ovens to come down to about $100, a 41 percent drop in price but still a substantial sum for many Ugandans, whose per capita income is $1,200 per year.

His biggest challenge to growing the business, he said, is the high interest rates that Ugandan banks charge for consumer loans -- around 24 percent. Mutebi said he is looking for ways to allow oven purchasers to buy on installment. "We can't run a business sustainably the way we want to because of the lack of support from financial institutions," he said.

Mutebi also is looking at nonmonetary methods for villagers to buy an oven.

For example, as Mutebi explains it, a Ugandan farmer may plant fruit trees on his land in exchange for an oven. The trees would be Mutebi's property. The farmer and his family would be free to consume the fruit, but Mutebi would have rights to harvest and sell the surplus. This way, he said, "the ovens not only will stop deforestation but also will promote planting of new trees. Farmers will have an economic incentive to do this."

Since winning the prize, Mutebi has spoken on frequent occasions about entrepreneurship in Africa. He was a featured speaker at the Africa Infrastructure Conference, sponsored by the Corporate Council on Africa in April in Washington, and at President Obama's Forum with Young African Leaders in August.

"I am blessed to have this opportunity to bring solar ovens to my people. I'm helping alleviate poverty and global warming and make a profit at the same time," Mutebi said.

Thursday, August 26, 2010

Switzerland harsh actions against African Immigrants and their misplaced blames!

By Essa Bokarr Sey

This past week, we all have been reading through stories related to The Gambian authorities refusing the flight from Switzerland that was carrying people being deported from the same country, landing rights! In my book that was accurate for the Banjul International Airport to do once again. A similar incident took place years in a different form. The whole situation matches the meaning of the following proverbs! “What is good for the goose is also good for the gander” Or the African one which says “Any person who prefers eating pepper-soup should also be ready to do so with a runny nose!”.

Let us start with the three "buts" of Switzerland when it comes to their past and present HARSH actions against African Immigrants and their misplaced blames!

1) Switzerland cannot stop African Immigrants from crossing their borders, as far as they have chosen to continue receiving and keeping stolen monies from African heads of state in their banks!

2) Switzerland should help Internal Non violent resistance groups inside our countries fight against capital flight from corrupt African leaders first!

3) Refusing Swiss flights that are carrying African deportees landing rights, is a good "tit-for-tat!" for selfish government like Switzerland itself!

By Essa Bokarr Sey.

This past week, we all have been reading through stories related to The Gambian authorities refusing the flight from Switzerland that was carrying people being deported from the same country, landing rights! In my book that was accurate for the Banjul International Airport to do once again. A similar incident took place years in a different form.

The whole situation matches the meaning of the following proverbs! “What is good for the goose is also good for the gander” Or the African one which says “Any person who prefers eating pepper-soup should also be ready to do so with a runny nose!”.

Let us run through a synopsis of past and present stories that are linked to Switzerland itself when it comes to them the Swiss entertaining the idea of receiving, keeping and helping conceal stolen monies from African leaders especially despots. To be candid Switzerland has so far helped ruin Africa economically. They really have because their country is where most of the monies our despots siphon are kept in bank accounts! Akk because this hypocritical term called “laws of secrecy” within the banking industry inside Switzerland itself! That has to stop my fellow Africans!

When Mobutu Seseseko was deposed all those of “us” who lived in Europe at the time still remember the shameful way an aerial view was showing us the properties he owned in Switzerland itself! Yes the archives are there to speak for themselves. We also remember the sad stories which were attached to the ill-gotten wealth from Nigeria’s former (deceased) dictator with an iron fist, in the name of Sanni Abacha. A greater part of his wealth was traced to Switzerland folks! That story is still not over! All Switzerland uses or refers to as cover in a simplistic way is “Bank secrecy laws!” That is the most ridiculous excuse one can ever see where helping to keep money that has been stolen from Africa by harmful and corrupt leaders is concerned. That is not good to say the least!

I am one person who is speaking from experience in this case. Of course my experience is coming from a higher echelon because I did meet and speak with some senior Swiss officials along these lines almost a decade ago! In the past the same Swiss went head on disregarding all plausible reasons therefore thought forcefully deporting some Gambians with cellulose tapes on their mouths and stiff hand cuffs on their wrists was the answer! They know what protest notes officials like myself and other young African diplomats sent to them along those lines at the material time. What happened when they did not BUGDE and wanted to continue using those INHUMANE ways of deporting our brothers and sisters back home? At some point Swiss personnel were detained in Banjul in retaliation(the archives are there to speak for themselves). We also remember when Malian immigrants who were forcefully deported to Bamako. Upon arrival they became unruly therefore went on the rampage. They broke one of the wings of the plane AIRFRANCE which took them home without even considering that some of them lost all their life savings in European banks! Well if the authorities in those EU countries do not need anything to do with these people they call “African intruders searching for greener pastures” why would they keep the little monies those “intruders” had worked for and kept European banks in the first place? Why would they also help keep monies which African despots steal from those poor immigrants and their families back home(tax payers) as well? The latter is not meant to justify illegal immigration but those EU Member states especially countries like Switzerland have to know that, by them simply trying to stop African immigrants from entering their borders in a unilateral and callous approach is unsavory and very unfair. These Swiss draconian immigration laws that are not taking into consideration the real CAUSES AND CURSES which are behind this “surge” from Africa especially the West coast towards Europe shall never bear sweet fruits for both ends! Those EU members states especially countries like Switzerland must sit down and look into the issue of immigration from a deeper and wider perspective. Their approach should be an all inclusive one and nothing less than that! They must attend ECOWAS meetings with a comprehensive and strategic package that will be based on FRANK TALK! They must address the issue by telling themselves the truth likewise tell those African leaders who steal then run to keep monies in Swiss banks the hard facts! Switzerland has to know that the new breed of African leaders who are emerging will definitely use all legal measures to make sure that any stolen monies from Africa is accounted for. Any properties or other products that have been taken away and kept in Swiss banks and the like will be followed and tracked where the need arises! These DOUBLE STANDARDS of receiving the money but rejecting the source of wealth(in this case our own sweat) has to stop forthwith.

Switzerland cannot stay indifferent in this case. Be it for the case of an asylum seeker or not we as Africans who want to see to it that WE NO LONGER cross the borders only to go and stay away in foreign lands are ready to stand up against this hypocrisy once and for all. Countries like Switzerland must share the blame with those corrupt African despots whose monies they help keep in their banks. INFACT LOANS FROM COUNTRIES LIKE SWITZERLAND MUST BE REVISITED WITH A MICROSCOPIC APPROACH. We as a new breed in Africa want to make sure that those loans are attached to the interest accrued from the monies that have been stolen by our corrupt and saved in Swiss banks over the years! Yes this may sound surreal but with time it can be achieved. In my book we do not owe countries like this anything within a moral point of view to start with! Switzerland’s case is not a separate one. Other EU member states have to get ready for stiff resistance from us Africans from now onwards. You cannot get the stolen money from despotic leaders only to “mildly” condemn “dictatorship” only to turn around giggling at us. Worst of continue using that stolen money within those banks as revolving funds which will never benefit the suffering masses in Africa(West to be more specific) in this case. NO! WE SAY NO TO THAT FROM TODAY! If you care about the welfare of the average African on the ground please join us and help STOP CAPITAL flight and money laundering. Likewise stop facilitating it or encouraging our corrupt leaders to buy properties in Europe when they kill and steal from us the suffering masses! If the Swiss and other EU member states do not stop doing so it means irony at the base or hypocrisy at the farthest! How long shall our people continue being treated like loaves of bread in an oven? We cannot continue feeling the heat while being baked to feed the hungry bellies of intercontinental greed! That cannot continue! It has to stop or be stopped!

Who does not remember former dictator Jean Bedel Bokasa of Central Africa? Who does not remember his chateau or castle in France? Who does not remember how he was disowned in that very country when his funds were depleted? If the EU can promulgate laws which can be used to help countries like Switzerland fight against immigrants, what is stopping the same EU from introducing stiffer laws against African despots who steal and keep their stolen wealth in their banking industry? Why are the very EU member states helping African despots teal and kill our people simply because they need the money? Why do they add insult to injury by forcefully deporting those very “victims” back to their countries even whereas some have genuine reasons to flee(within a political context)? I have lived in Europe officially and I know what I am exactly talking or writing about here!

The way the Swiss immigration(particularly) handles African immigrants is so inhumane and very wrong that is where one is to say the least. I have seen firsthand some of these things and my protest notes against the latter are on record! This idea of using any kind of force when deporting African immigrants cannot and should not continue unchallenged! The pictures with a Gambians’ mouth being gagged with cellulose tape in a plane from Geneva to Banjul are still there in the archives. Why treat those people like that after all? Why not use the same strength against the despots who steal and keep money in Swiss banks then? Or is this trying to get the MILK WHILE DISOWNING THE COW? That is hypocritical. No diplomacy needed in this case STRAIGHT-TALKING is the only answer here!

Hereunder is a story about Switzerland sponsoring an advert on African TVs trying to show how African immigrants suffer in Europe or to be more specific Switzerland itself! On the other hand I do concur with the ideas a Senegalese intellectual has expressed therein to help challenge the approach from the authorities in BERNE Switzerland and or other EU member states. He is right! The African Immigrant’s issue is far beyond the simplistic ways these Swiss are trying to portray in that advert! It is wider, deeper, worse and more challenging!

Please read below and see how Switzerland is being caution against its ways of sponsoring A BLEAK ANTI-IMMIGRATION TELEVISION CAMPAIGN IN AFRICA!

This is so “cheap” and hypocritical to say the least! See below and be your own judges!!!

(Source…swissinfo, Simon Bradley with agencies)

Advert aims to deter African immigrants

Switzerland is funding a bleak anti-migration television campaign in Africa to discourage would-be migrants from trying to seek their fortunes in Europe.

The hard-hitting advert, which has been aired on prime-time television in Cameroon and Nigeria, depicts the life of freshly arrived migrants in Europe as one fraught with problems and dangers.

In the film an African migrant phones his father from somewhere in Europe in the pouring rain and assures him that all is well while in reality he is living on the street, being chased by the police and having to beg for a living.

"Don't believe everything you hear. Leaving is not always living," is the final message of the film, which the SonntagsBlick newspaper said was broadcast on Nigerian state television at half-time during a friendly football match between Switzerland and Nigeria last week.

The advert is part of a television, radio and poster campaign by the Geneva-based International Organization for Migration (IOM), funded by Switzerland and the European Commission.

"We have the duty to show these people what the consequences of fleeing their country might be for them," Eduard Gnesa, head of the Federal Migration Office, told the SonntagsBlick.

"Refugees should not have any false illusions about Switzerland. We have no work for these people," he added.

In most cases immigrants from Cameroon and Nigeria can no longer claim they have been politically persecuted and therefore normally do not receive asylum status in Switzerland.

Not a paradise

IOM spokesman Jean-Philippe Chauzy said the aim of the campaign was to "inform would-be migrants of the dangers of using smuggling networks and the realities of life as an undocumented migrant in Europe".

The IOM has produced similar adverts in Senegal and Niger, funded by Spain and the European Union, Chauzy confirmed.

Swiss Justice Minister Christoph Blocher, whose ministry controls the Migration Office, said he supported the adverts.

"We must show Africans that Switzerland is not a paradise," he said.

Blocher's rightwing Swiss People's Party emerged as the biggest winner in the October parliamentary elections on the back of an anti-immigration campaign.

The short film is part of an awareness campaign that the Migration Office launched in early 2006 in Nigeria and Cameroon to dissuade economic migrants from trying their luck in Europe. It is considering a similar campaign in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and other African nations.

Too simplistic

But Pape Ndiaye Diouf, a professor at Geneva's Institute of Development Studies, felt the campaign gave a "too simplistic response to a very complex problem".

He said more rigorous and responsible solutions were needed to tackle the issue than simply saying: "Don't come as there's no work".

"It's important to correctly inform people in those countries about what the situation is like [in Europe] but it should go much further. It has to be accompanied with development and job creation opportunities on the spot so young people have alternatives and don't think they absolutely have to go abroad," he told swissinfo.

"The adverts are basically well intended," noted Jürg Krummenacher, director of Caritas Switzerland. "But people in Nigeria or Cameroon can constantly see on TV what it looks like in Europe. I don't think the advert offers very much."

So far this year only 105 people from Cameroon and 246 from Nigeria have requested asylum status in Switzerland.

"Hundreds of thousands of people from both countries dream about it but only a small number actually flee," he added.

swissinfo, Simon Bradley with agencies

END

Wyclef Jean cannot appeal against Haiti presidency ruling

Electoral council tells singer its decision to disqualify him from the Haiti presidential race is final

The door has slammed shut for the second time in Wyclef Jean's bid to become president of Haiti. According to the country's electoral council, the singer cannot appeal against his disqualification from the race. With officials refusing to review his file, Jean will now reportedly file a complaint with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

"Wyclef does not intend to stop here," explained Jean Renel Senatus, a member of his legal team. "We will exhaust all options, we will go all the way to fight this unacceptable decision." Last week, Jean was one of 15 proposed candidates disqualified from Haiti's presidential race, with the provisional electoral council citing the country's five-year residency requirement. Although Jean initially said he "accepted" the ruling, he later announced plans to appeal. "Friends ... warned me that much trickery would be used to block me," he said. "[This] has proved true."

A representative for the council's legal department declared yesterday that their decision cannot be challenged, citing article 191 of Haiti's electoral law. "When it comes to electoral matters, the electoral council is the supreme court, meaning there is nowhere else to go," Samuel Pierre said. "There is absolutely no possibility for Wyclef Jean to be added to the list of candidates approved to run in the next presidential elections. So it's over."

But Jean shows no sign of backing down. The ruling is "arbitrary", Senatus said, claiming that Jean is a long-time resident – his role as roving ambassador to Haiti simply forced him to spend lots of time abroad. "He has been living in the country for more than six years," Senatus said. Jean will now argue to the Inter-American Commission that his democratic rights have been violated, and Senatus is also considering filing with Haiti's highest court, the Cour de Cassation. Jean may also join forces with other rejected candidates, including his uncle, Raymond Joseph, Haiti's former ambassador to the US. "[We are] in talks about forming a united front against this arbitrary decision," Joseph said. "We do not think that the council can organise [a] democratic elections.


Wednesday, August 25, 2010

Brazil's census offers recognition at last to descendants of runaway slaves

Interviewers plan to reach 190m people, including the long-ignored Kalunga, by motorbike, plane, canoe and donkey

When Jorge Moreira de Oliveira's great-great-great-great-great-grandfather arrived in Brazil in the 18th century he was counted off the slave-ship, branded and dispatched to a goldmine deep in the country's arid mid-west. After years of scrambling for gold that was shipped to Europe, he fled and became one of the founding fathers of the Kalunga quilombo, a remote mountain-top community of runaway slaves.

On Wednesday last week, more than 200 years later, it was Moreira's turn to be counted – this time not by slavemasters but by Cleber, a chubby census taker who appeared at his home clutching a blue personal digital assistant (PDA).

"I'm Kalunga. A Brazilian Kalunga," Moreira told his visitor from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics, who diligently noted down details about the interviewee's eight children, monthly income and toilet arrangements.

Such is Brazil's 2010 census – a gigantic logistical operation that aims to count and analyse the lives of more than 190 million people in one of the most geographically and racially diverse nations on earth.

The scale of the mobilisation is staggering. With a budget of around 1.677bn Brazilian reais (£600m) the census, which began on 1 August, will peer into approximately 58m homes in 5,565 municipalities across 8,514,876 sq km (3.3m sq miles). Between now and the end of October around 190,000 census takers will venture into illegal goldmines, sprawling slums, high-security prisons, indigenous reserves and quilombola communities such as Engenho II, travelling by motorbike, donkey, canoe and plane.

But for people such as Moreira, the census is about more than number-crunching. For the Kalunga, descendants of slaves shipped to Brazil from places such as Angola, Mozambique and Ivory Coast, it is a chance, finally, to be counted, heard and helped by a government that has long ignored them.

"The federal government has to know that we exist – what we do, what we have," said Moreira, a 42-year-old subsistence farmer, who attributes recent improvements in his community, including the arrival of roads, electricity and a school, to Brazil's last head-count, in 2000. "Before, we were totally forgotten. Now equality is coming through the census and the interviews."

Identity

"It is a question of identity," said Ivonete Carvalho, the government's programme director for traditional communities. "When you assert your identity you are saying you want [government] action and access to public policies. [The census] is a fantastic x-ray."

The Kalungas' fight for recognition is part of a wider movement for racial equality in Brazil, a country with deep roots in Africa but where Afro-Brazilian politicians and business leaders remain few and far between. According to Carvalho, only one of Brazil's 81 senators is black, despite the fact that Afro-Brazilians represent at least 53% of the population. The last census found that fewer than 40% of Afro-Brazilians had access to sanitation compared with nearly 63% of whites.

Just as descendents of Brazil's runaway slaves are finding their voice – and telling the census takers about it – so too are Brazil's officially black and indigenous communities swelling as a growing number of Brazilians label themselves "black" or "indigenous" rather than "mulatto" when the census takers come knocking.

"People are no longer scared of identifying themselves or insecure about saying: 'I'm black, and black is beautiful,' " Brazil's minister for racial equality, Elio Ferreira de Araujo, told the Guardian.

For the first time in Brazilian history, this year's census will map out the different indigenous languages spoken in Brazil and register the number of same-sex relationships. It will also ask people their "ethnicity" – a thorny issue in a country that has long regarded itself as a racial melting pot and the rainbow nation of the Americas.

Since president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva came to power in 2003, increasing steps have been taken to bridge the social chasm between Afro-Brazilians and their white counterparts. A ministry for racial equality has been created and university quotas introduced. The Brasil Quilombola programme, which aims to provide basic social services to thousands of slave descendants, has been rolled out across the country.

Engenho II, a village that is home to around 4,500 "Brazilian Kalungas" and was officially recognised by the government in 2009, has been one of the communities to benefit from the cause's new visibility.

Calamitous

"It was pretty calamitous here before," said Cerilo dos Santos Rosa, the territory's 56-year-old leader. "We didn't have roads, or energy. We'd have to take our produce to town on donkeys or on our backs."

The Kalungas also hope that their land will soon be formally demarcated by the government, with plans to offer compensation to landowners who leave the area, around 320km from Brazil's capital, Brasilia.

Not everybody is enthusiastic about the government's sudden engagement with quilombola communities. Some claim the arrival of brick houses, cash-transfer programmes and roads will irreparably damage their culture and create divisions between them and other communities. Others speculate that the government simply wants access to the abundant mineral resources buried under this sparsely populated savannah region.

Local people, however, are united in their praise for Lula's attempts to create what he calls a Brasil para todos – "Brazil for all".

"Lula has been a great example. He was the first president to visit our community," said Rosa, a father of 11 and grandfather of 29 who credits the president with building 40 brick homes and 93 toilets in the territory.

Government officials defend their attempts to offer "contemporary" life to some of the country's poorest, most isolated citizens.

"Cultural preservation has to be our objective … but giving quality of life to families that live in such remote places is also part of the mission," said Ferreira, the racial equality minister. "We have to value their culture but also the economic support that will give them social benefits."

Carvalho, herself born into a quilombola community in southern Brazil, said the government had finally started paying "an historical debt" to those whose forefathers were "wrenched from their motherland".

Brazil's excluded, she said, were increasingly willing to stand up and be counted. "I'm here. I'm me. I'm not ashamed of my history."

"The progress is slow but it is progress," said Moreira, sat beside his shack's rickety wooden door, bearing the chalked words: "God in first place."

"Before, the government didn't care if we existed or not. Today things are different. Today we all have to be registered. We have to appear. That's the only way things will get better."

Census facts

• In 1872, when the first Brazilian census was conducted on the orders of Emperor Dom Pedro II, the population was divided into free people and slaves, who represented 15% of the population.

• Just 1.8% of the 1872 population were considered "rich" – 23,400 families. In 2000 that figure had risen only slightly to about 2.4%.

• The following census, in 1890, found that 83% of over-fives were illiterate. By 2000 this had fallen to 17%.

• Brazil's population has more than doubled in 50 years, from 71 million in 1960 to more than 190 million today.

• 734,000 Brazilians identified themselves as "indigenous" in the 2000 census.

• This year, more than 7,000 data centres will compile information from about 225,000 PDA.

Tuesday, August 24, 2010

Protest links seminar to Eritrean terrorists

Organizers deny funnelling cash to terror groups

By: Matt Preprost
Posted: 23/08/2010 1:00 AM

Posted: 23/08/2010 1:00 AM | Comments: 4

A handful of human rights activists gathered outside the University of Winnipeg Sunday afternoon to protest an Eritrean community event, charging its purpose was to fundraise money that would eventually be funnelled into the hands of terrorists.

A group of about 10 people alleged the Eritrea consulate in Toronto held a seminar at the university, disguised as a cultural event, to stoke support for the African nation's notoriously corrupt and tyrannical government.

"This is a disguise, it's not a public event," said protester organizer Ghezae Hagos Berhe, himself an Eritrean refugee. "We believe it was about giving the government more money so they can support more terrorists."

Berhe alleged the seminar's purpose was to raise money for the Eritrean government, which is known to support Al-Shabab, a Somalian militant group that has been recruiting Canadian youth. The group is linked to Al-Qaeda.

Berhe tried to get the event cancelled by University of Winnipeg President Lloyd Axworthy, who Berhe said was unaware the event was taking place on campus. Axworthy sent in security guards to monitor the meeting.

Similar protests have happened in Toronto and Edmonton in recent weeks, Berhe said.

Eritrea, sandwiched between Ethiopia and Sudan along the Red Sea, has been subject to hot debate by human rights activists and the United Nations, facing strict sanctions by Western countries, including Canada.

Most recently, Canada banned weapons sales, and ordered Canadian banks to freeze any assets of Eritrean political leaders and military officials.

Organizers inside Sunday's meeting said they were simply discussing the state of their fragile home country, which has been wrapped in multiple wars with Ethiopia.

"People here are ordinary and want first-hand information on what's happening back home," said organizer Lambrose Kyriakakos. "This is about the safety and well-being of our relatives back home."

A staff member from the Eritrean consulate who was at the meeting was not available for comment.

Outside the event, books and CDs were available for sale to guests, who had to sign in.

There are about 3,000 Eritreans in Winnipeg.

matt.preprost@freepress.mb.ca

Saturday, August 21, 2010

20,000 Zimbabweans Face Deportations From Britain

Zimbabwe: 20,000 Nationals Face Deportation from Britain

Kitsepile Nyathi
19 August 2010

Harare — At least 20,000 failed Zimbabwean asylum seekers in the United Kingdom could be deported before the end of the year as a result of the relative economic and political stability in the southern African country following the formation of a unity government.

Britain, Zimbabwe's former colonial master this week sent a fact finding mission from its Border Agency to Harare to assess claims that the country is still unsafe for the failed asylum seekers to return.

The UK is one of the many Western countries with a huge population of immigrants from Zimbabwe who escaped the economic and political turmoil that began intensifying in 2000.

Others are New Zealand, Australia, Canada and the United States.

Biggest population

The biggest population of Zimbabwean immigrants estimated at over three million is suspected to be living in neighbouring South Africa.

Thousands were granted asylum in the UK on the strength that they were supporters of the then opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) led by Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and were facing persecution by supporters of President Mugabe's Zanu PF party.

Last year, President Robert Mugabe's fiercest rival joined a unity government following inconclusive elections the previous year.

An official at the British embassy in Harare Mr Andrew Jones told the privately owned NewsDay newspaper that findings of the fact finding mission would be used by the UK Asylum Tribunal in October. "The aim of the mission is to ensure that the UK Border Agency has the most up to date information.''






---
Mosi A. Ifatunji, Ph.D. Candidate
ASA Pre-Doctoral Fellow
University of Illinois at Chicago
Department of Sociology (MC 312)
1007 West Harrison Street
Chicago, Illinois 60607-7140
Call/Text: (312) 607-2825
Twitter: @ifatunji

Wednesday, August 18, 2010

West African immigrant gets 26 months in prison for role in N.J. human trafficking ring

Wednesday, August 18, 2010
Joe Ryan/The Star-Ledger

A West African immigrant was sentenced to two years and two months in prison today for visa fraud in connection to a human-trafficking ring that smuggled girls and women into New Jersey to work at hair-braiding salons.

Geoffry Kouevi is the third defendant imprisoned in connection to the operation, which authorities say targeted victims from impoverished African villages, some just 10 years old. He stood shacked in green jail garb in federal court in Newark as Judge Jose L. Linares said his crime posed a threat to America’s system of safeguarding its ports of entry.

“It impacts the security of our borders when people violate our immigration laws,” Linares said.

Kouevi was convicted last year of conspiracy and visa fraud for helping coach the victims to pose as wives and children of lawful immigrants and forging documents used to bring them from Togo and Ghana.

Kouevi is a legal permanent resident of the United States and could face deportation after completing his sentence. He faced up to two-and-a-half years under federal sentencing guidelines.

The ring was run by Akouavi Kpade Afolabi, a once-prosperous jewelry and textile merchant from Togo. She was convicted last year and is scheduled to be sentenced in September.

Authorities say she recruited more than 20 girls and young women from impoverished African villages with the promise of a better life in America.

But once the women arrived, Afolabi forced them to braid hair for up to 14 hours a day at salons in Newark and East Orange in a case investigators equated with modern-day slavery.

“But for the visa fraud there would have been no ability to smuggle these women,” said Shana W. Chen, an assistant U.S. attorney.

Afolabi’s ex-husband, Lassissi Afolabi, was sentenced last month to 24 years in prison for his role in the crime. Her son, Dereck Hounakey, was sentenced in June to 4½ years.

Tuesday, August 17, 2010

France urged to repay Haiti debt

MONDAY, AUGUST 16, 2010
17:43 MECCA TIME, 14:43 GMT

A group of activists is calling on France to repay a 200-year-old "independence debt," now valued at $22bn, to Haiti in a bid to help rebuild the earthquake-ravaged country.

In an open letter to Nicolas Sarkozy, the French president, intellectuals and politicians said the money would cover construction costs and a shortfall in cash promised by international donors.

France imposed a debt of 150m gold francs on Haiti in return for recognition of the colony's independence, following a successful slave revolt in 1791.

Although the original sum, equivalent to 10 times Haiti's annual revenue, was reduced, the country was still paying it off in 1947.

Haiti was hit by a devastating earthquake in January this year that killed more than 250,000 people and left much of the country in ruins.

'Patently illegal'

Campaigners, including Noam Chomsky, the US linguist, and Naomi Klein, the Canadian author, described the debt as "patently illegitimate ... and illegal".

"The 'independence debt', which is today valued at over 17bn euros illegitimately forced a people who had won their independence in a successful slave revolt, to pay again for the freedom," the letter, published in Britain's Guardian and France's Liberation on Sunday, said.

Haiti launched a lawsuit in 2004 to recover the money, but it was abandoned after France backed the overthrow of Haiti's government.

The letter said such actions were "inappropriate responses to a demand that is morally, economically, and legally unassailable".

"In light of the urgent financial need in the country in the wake of the devastating earthquake of January 12, 2010, we urge you to pay Haiti, the world's first black republic, the restitution it is due," it said.

Haiti, then St Dominique, was France's most profitable colony due to the slave trade.

In 1791 the slaves revolted, and in 1804, after defeating Napoleon's armies, the world's first black republic was founded.

France subsequently demanded the independence debt to compensate former colonists for the slaves who had won their freedom, and threatened a military invasion if the money was not paid.

Sunday's letter has also been signed by members of parliament from Europe, Canada and the Philippines, along with scholars, journalists and activists in France, Haiti, the US, Canada, the UK, Nigeria, Sierra Leone and Germany.

Six African migrants killed near Egypt-Israel border

14 August 2010

Six African migrants trying to cross into Israel from Egypt's Sinai desert have been killed.

Egyptian security officials said four of the migrants were killed in a dispute with the people smugglers taking them to Israel.

The other two were killed by Egyptian border guards as they tried to cross into Israel.

Human rights activists have criticised Egypt for killing dozens of migrants at the border in the last few years.

Many of the migrants, seeking work or political asylum in Israel, come from Sudan and the Horn of Africa.

An Egyptian security official told the AFP news agency that the six Africans killed on Friday were from Eritrea.

The migrants' dispute with the people traffickers broke out after the smugglers demanded more money for taking them into Israel, the migrants told Egyptian police.

Some of the migrants seized weapons from the smugglers and a gunfight broke out in which four of them were killed.

The group of migrants scattered and two were later shot at the border.

At least 17 of the migrants were arrested by Egyptian police, officials said.

Monday, July 26, 2010

Black Politician Elected in Russia

All Hail Jean Gregoire Sagbo, who was the first black politican ever elected to office in Russia. The native of Benin in West Africa was elected to the 10-member council of Novozavidovo, a city of 10,000 people 65 miles north of Moscow. No need to tell you this is big progress in a country where racism is pervasive and often violent.

Sagbo has lived in the town for 21 years and is widely viewed as an honest man, say news reports. he came to Russia to study economics. By some estimates there are 40,000 "Afro-Russians" living in the country.

He promises to revive the impoverished, garbage-strewn town where he has lived for 21 years and raised a family. His plans include reducing rampant drug addiction, cleaning up a polluted lake and delivering heating to homes.

"Novozavidovo is dying," Sagbo said in an interview in the ramshackle municipal building. "This is my home, my town. We can't live like this."

"His skin is black but he is Russian inside," said Vyacheslav Arakelov, the mayor. "The way he cares about this place, only a Russian can care."

Sagbo isn't the first black in Russian politics. Another West African, Joaquin Crima of Guinea-Bissau, ran for head of a southern Russian district a year ago but was heavily defeated.

For more see the full AP story on Yahoo.







---
Mosi A. Ifatunji, Ph.D. Candidate
ASA Pre-Doctoral Fellow
University of Illinois at Chicago
Department of Sociology (MC 312)
1007 West Harrison Street
Chicago, Illinois 60607-7140
Call/Text: (312) 607-2825
Twitter: @ifatunji

Saturday, July 24, 2010

Black, But Not Like Me: African-Americans and African Immigrants Sometimes Share Uneasy Bond

By GABRIELLE M. BLUE
Medill News Service


A civil rights activist contends it's not the job of black people to stop white people from being racist. That, she argues, is the responsibility mostly of whites.

Hannah Jacoby, a founding member of the Chicago Alliance for Racial Equity (CARE), argues that point. Last, month, her organization hosted its first Anti-Racism Workshop for White Allies to train Caucasians to work better with minority groups in combating racism.

"Everything we try to do here is with the intention of movement building," said Jacoby, a special project's coordinator for the alliance. "It shouldn't always be the work of people of color to stop white people from being racist or to inform white people that they are being racist."

The organization was created by white staff members and supporters of the Chicago Freedom School to teach members of the white community how to be effective allies with minorities.

The nonprofit Freedom School is located at 719 S. State. It provides a place for adults and youth to come together to learn about social movements, and teaches young people to be social activists.

To break the racial barriers that often hinder the community, the alliance, Jacoby explains, felt the need to take part in encouraging positive social movements in Chicago. They look to enlighten the white community, she says, by having them examine their own attitudes. Their comments and treatment of minorities, she argues, can create a negative relationship between them and other races.

"We all have a lot of intersecting identities that make the experience of being white, or the experience of any race, different for everyone, depending on your sexuality, your gender, your class," Jacoby said. "But there are certain things about being white that bring privileges, even if you happened to also be queer or poor-and you have to acknowledge those."

After six months of developing the material, knowledge and support needed for the workshop, the alliance opened the class to those interested-more than a dozen attended.

"We really want people to be doing a lot of sharing and talking about their experience and if it gets bigger than that it just gets hard to have everyone share without having it taking a really long time," Jacoby said.

She worked closely with several of her black and Hispanic colleagues at the Freedom School, garnering a great deal of support for the initiative. The three-hour workshop was open to anyone interested in participating-white people primarily signed up for it.

Jacoby said that while the workshop was created to target white people, she welcomed attendance from any person of color.

"One the points that we want to get across from the training is that we, as white people, have to get to a point where it doesn't matter if a person of color is in the room for us to be doing this work-we have to be doing this work all the time." By MARIANA MORA

Medill News Service

Girmai Lemma is from Ethiopia but has lived in Chicago for many years.

He does not consider himself to be African-American- Lemma says he is African. And he's not alone in saying so. Constant tensions between African-Americans and non U.S.-born Africans refute the notion that the term "African-American" is interchangeable with black. In the eyes of many native-born blacks and African immigrants, it isn't.

"It would have been nice if we had a good relationship with African-Americans, but we don't," Lemma said.

How Lemma defines himself may be irrelevant to the larger American society. But within the black community, less than 2 percent are Africans. Lemma said that in the United States all black people are put in the same group.

"When we came from Ethiopia, we never thought we would be discriminated here," Lemma recalled. "[The police] follow you all the way until your house. It is a suburb; not too many blacks living there. When they see you, what is black is black, until they hear your accent."

While that might make police look favorably on African immigrants, it also cuts the other way.

Eugene Peba, originally from Nigeria, believes his accent causes African-Americans to look down upon him.

"We don't sound like they sound," he said. "It is a little bit weird. We think that they would say, 'This is my brother,' but there is a little bit of resentment."

Garrard McClendon, who hosts a show on CLTV that often focuses on African-American issues, said those feelings of resentment go both ways. African Americans, he noted, can feel disrespected by immigrants, "because immigrants don't see us taking advantage of the [opportunities] we already have."

McClendon blames the media for perpetuating stereotypical images of black people as criminals, underemployed or womanizers. And African immigrants, noted a Chicago educator, pick up on those cues.

David Stovall, who teaches African-American and education studies at the University of Illinois at Chicago, agrees that Africans have preconceived notions of African-Americans-some positive, some negative. "When people come to the states they already have an image of what black life is," Stovall said.

He adds that some African immigrants see black people in the United States as a source of community. Others, however, wish to distance themselves from them.

The source of the tension, Stovall said, is that Africans don't understand the history of oppression black people faced in American. Additionally, there are those American blacks who are unaware of the turmoil that Africans faced in their homeland. According to Stovall, the problem stems from an inability on both sides to communicate and engage each other's history.

Though both groups have roots in the same continent, their histories and experiences differ significantly. To some, the American black community and the African immigrant community sometimes segregate themselves.

"Most of the African people seem to group among themselves," said Alice Ogbarmey-Tetteh, a Ghanaian who has been living in Chicago for more than 30 years. "They have to learn how to socialize outside their community. If you want to survive in America you have to learn the system."

A 'different America'

From a sociological point of view, it is not simply a matter of integration between both groups. Mosi Ifatunji, race and ethnicity professor at UIC, explained African immigrants are unable to understand why African-Americans are still upset about racial discrimination-the immigrants arrived at a point when it was formally over.

"African immigrants are seeing a different America, and therefore have a different set of expectations," Ifatunji said. "African immigrants are not upset with American whites about slavery."

For many black Americans, it is still hard to not have resentment against whites," the professor noted.

"To simply forget about the past for African-Americans is sort of to throw their ancestors under the bus," Ifatunji said.

As for the children of African immigrants who were raised in the United States, they too may feel distanced from the African-American community.

"When you come from Africa to United States, your identity is formed by the African-American experience," said Oluwabukola Adeyinka, who arrived from Nigeria when she was 5. "But I'm African. I have been my entire life."

Adeyinka explained that older generations of Nigerians, like her father, have stereotypes of African-Americans as lazy and dangerous, despite having lived in the U.S. for years. The distance between the American black and African immigrant communities is particularly apparent for immigrants during the census count. Although they may not identify themselves as "African-Americans," they have only a single choice on the census form to identify their race: "Black," "African-American" or "Negro."

Other races and ethnicities, though, have several categories from which to choose.

This category is particularly troubling for Africans who don't consider themselves "black." "Ethiopians are a little lighter-skinned than black," Lemma said.

Despite the tensions, there are some-like United African Organization Director Alie Kabba-who think both groups should unite as minorities in the United States.

"I think that in terms of electoral processes, Africans and African-Americans can generally work together," Kabba said. "The same issues that [affect] the African community, also have an impact on the African-American community."

Ifatunji thinks the discussion shouldn't be whether black groups could merge culturally, but rather can they enhance common political interest.

"Your cultural traditions-let it be your cultural traditions. Your history-let it be your history," he said. "But political, if nothing else, we have a common interest across all lines of color against white supremacy."

Thursday, July 22, 2010

Bill Clinton gets tough as donors fail to honour $5bn Haiti pledge

Countries which pledged billions of dollars in aid to earthquake-ravaged Haiti but have yet to deliver the money told to pay up

Bill Clinton has promised to get tough with countries which pledged billions of dollars in aid to earthquake-ravaged Haiti but have yet to deliver the money they promised.

Six months after the disaster that killed 220,000 people and left more than 1.5 million homeless, only $506m of $5.3bn raised at an international donors' conference in March has been handed over, according to the United Nations Development Programme.

Only four countries – Australia, Brazil, Estonia and Norway – have so far given anything at all, the UN says. Two of the biggest promised contributions, $1.15bn and $1.32bn from the United States and Venezuela respectively, have been held up by delays in Congress and political red tape.

A frustrated Clinton, the UN's special envoy to Haiti, said he would pick up the phone to world leaders to try to get the funds flowing more quickly.

"I'm going to call all those governments ... I want to try to get them to give the money, and I'm trying to get the others to give me a schedule for when they'll release it," Clinton told CNN earlier this week. The American news broadcaster first brought the shortfall to light during a study of figures provided by the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission and a survey of donor nations.

He accepted that the aftermath of a lingering global recession had played some part in countries not yet delivering on their pledges. "I think that they're all having economic trouble, and they want to hold their money as long as possible," he added.

Glenn Smucker, an anthropologist who advises aid and development groups in Haiti, said: "President Clinton raises a legitimate concern. It's easy to make pledges and harder to find the money, and you can't take it for granted that all of the money will come through. But if you had all $5bn together in one place at the same time it would still be a tremendous challenge to spend it in an efficient and effective way."


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---
Mosi A. Ifatunji, Ph.D. Candidate
ASA Pre-Doctoral Fellow
University of Illinois at Chicago
Department of Sociology (MC 312)
1007 West Harrison Street
Chicago, Illinois 60607-7140
Call/Text: (312) 607-2825
Twitter: @ifatunji

Wednesday, July 21, 2010

Arizona’s Other Immigrant Conflict: African Americans vs. Africans

DaVaun Sanders, Posted: Jul 19, 2010

Abdulmajeed Dere expressed frustration with trying to interact with African Americans since he arrived in the metropolitan Phoenix area from his native Somalia in 1996.

“When I came to the country, I saw African Americans as my brothers,” said Dere, a small-business owner. “I was laughing with joy to see them. But every time I talk to them, rejection, rejection—every time. After awhile I felt like, why should I even talk to them?”

Dere is resigned to the cultural split, but is also frustrated by it. As a middle-aged member of the sandwich generation, attending both to children in high school and college and to his elderly mother, he feels he has much to share with his American brothers. A former community case worker, he is deeply familiar with the strain black families face, especially in this recession, squeezed by household demands from both ends of the age scale.

He believes, though, that his accent and a sense of superiority among some African Americans erect barriers to communication and undermine the potential for mutual support. Research published by Arizona State University (ASU) reinforces and echoes Dere's experience.

Two Different Paths

Africans make up a small but growing part of the black population in metro-Phoenix, which limits opportunities for interaction. According to the 2008 American Community Survey, "foreign-born Africans" number around 18,500 in Maricopa County, or 10.8 percent of the area’s black population. The refugee population in Arizona is much smaller, although that figure more than doubled from 2006 to 2009, to 4,327, according to the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement.

In a 2008 supplemental report entitled “The State of Black Arizona, Volume I,” ASU associate professor Lisa Aubrey and colleagues found that many African Americans hold new arrivals “responsible” for their ancestral enslavement and “correlate Africa . . . with poverty and feel ashamed.” Aubrey and her coauthors call today’s African Americans “old diasporans,” descendants of slaves and other earlier African arrivals. The scholars refer to modern continental Africans, including refugees who fled strife in their countries, as “new diasporans.”

Extremely different paths to settlement in Arizona, combined with dissonance within each group, pose challenges for African Americans seeking to build bridges between old diasporan and new diasporan communities. New diasporans in metro Phoenix hail from many parts of Africa, including Liberia, Somalia, Rwanda and Sudan.

Elders from both old and new diasporan communities confront complex issues that will impact their quality of life and that of their descendants for generations to come. While African Americans face myriad health challenges, African immigrants also run into barriers of transportation and isolation, which impede their social and emotional health.

“People are too busy with life, no one is interested in reaching out to African communities,” said Abraham Reech, a senior case manager at Lutheran Social Ministries, a Phoenix area refugee resettlement agency. “There is no reason, no incentive.”

“There is a lack of communication,” said Tap Dak, outreach coordinator for the AZ Lost Boys Center, which serves the Sudanese community of metro Phoenix. He said differences in religion, ideology and politics among African immigrants and refugees often lead to misconceptions between different ethnicities, despite their similar experience and mutual concerns.

Dak added, “The (African) community doesn't have dialogue within itself.”

Recent African arrivals in Arizona’s Valley of the Sun often possess starkly different experiences, expectations and outlooks on America—and on each other, ASU’s Aubrey noted, Along with refugees seeking political asylum, the immigrants include “some of the most highly educated, professionally skilled and accomplished Africans from the continent,” she said.

Preconceived ideas about other ethnic groups often lead to rifts.

Reech, who is Sudanese, recalled an instance when African neighbor—like Reech, a recent immigrant—forbade his son to associate with Reech's son. Reech believes that the father didn't want his son to associate with black people, whether African or African American -- even though he was also black. He said this is a common reaction among immigrants, who wish to avoid negative associations with African Americans.

“My son was on the principal’s list,” Reech said, shaking his head in exasperation. “What would make the father think that way?”

Little Interaction Among Immigrants

Charles Shipman, Arizona’s refugee coordinator, acknowledged that there is little interaction among the newer African immigrant groups. He attributes the problem less to outright antagonism than to a sense of competition.

During his eight years of working with refugees, Shipman said, he has seen collaborative efforts between African immigrant groups quickly collapse when discussions turn to pursuing funds.

But the situation is improving, Shipman added. “Organizations are starting to understand that mutual assistance is about mutual assistance. They are starting to come together,” he said.

African Americans around Phoenix also constitute a diverse population, including Valley natives and recent arrivals from other states. In many instances, a shared ancestry with African immigrants is not enough to promote intercultural connections.

Outreach Efforts

“Refugee assistance is all about outreach, and there is not a lot of outreach from the African American community,” noted Eman Yarrow, a community and economic development manager for the Arizona Refugee Resettlement Program.

Yarrow cited First Institutional Baptist Church and the Light of Hope Institute as faith-based organizations particularly committed to aiding refugee families. “Resettlement agencies need to do a better job—talk to larger churches about supporting smaller immigrant churches.”

For example, First Institutional invited Kigabo Mbazumutima, a doctor from Benin, to speak at its 2010 Community Health Forum and share his experiences growing up in the Congo.

Mbazumutima is working with ASU faculty to improve health care access to the Great Lakes region of Africa, and the mostly African American attendees at the forum showed interest in volunteering and making donations. He and event organizers hope that by providing access to resources, such as the church facility, established groups in the African American community in Phoenix will foster cultural understanding and the greater acceptance that new diasporan communities need to flourish in this desert region.

Arizona's Neglected Immigrants - African Elders

DaVaun Sanders, Posted: Jun 14, 2010

While Arizona is a hotbed for immigration issues, concerns about aging African immigrants and refugees in Phoenix don’t always garner the same attention as the much larger Latino population.

This article is the first of two articles for PhxSoul.com conceived and produced as a project for New America Media’s Ethnic Elders News Fellowship, supported by The Atlantic Philanthropies.

While Arizona continues to make headlines as a hotbed for immigration issues, concerns about African immigrants in Phoenix do not always garner the same attention afforded to the larger Latino population, or the predominant African American community.

African immigrants residing in the Metropolitan Phoenix—many of them refugees resettled here by the U.S. government--are a compact pan-African group of less than 20,000, according to the 2008 American Community Survey. They enrich Phoenix culture from an impressive array of nations, from West Africa (Sierra Leone, Liberia and Nigeria to East (Sudan, Somalia and Ethiopia), and from the central continent (Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda and Tanzania), to South Africa—plus many other countries.

Life in this arid new land is especially trying for many older African immigrants. They find themselves far from often strife-ridden homelands, unable to find work and facing barriers of language and mobility. Adding to their stress are daily confrontations with a generation of Americanized children, who seem to turn traditional values upside down.

Although immigrants constitute an underwhelming 4.3 percent portion of the total black population of the Valley of the Sun region, they continue to raise families, start businesses and establish themselves in Phoenix. They also face the daunting challenges of transportation, language and eldercare.

Among the African immigrants in the Valley, the main population increase has come from refugees escaping brutal circumstances at home. According to the federal Office of Refugee Resettlement, the overall refugee population in Arizona more than doubled from 2006 to 2009 to 4,327.

Refugees resettled in the Phoenix area are not only from multiple African countries, but include large numbers from Iraq and Burma, as well as other strife-torn nations.

Jobs Are Scarce

The recession is having a strong impact on employment for Arizona’s refugees. Finding jobs for immigrants is a primary concern for the state-contracted refugee resettlement agencies, which bring a large portion of Africans to the Valley.

Only one in three of people in the refugee caseload entered the workforce in 2009, the lowest level in three years for the Office for Refugee Resettlement. Those who landed work received an average hourly wage of $7.17.

Job placement was particularly tough for non-English speakers. At the AZ Lost Boys Center, outreach coordinator Tap Dak said the program is developing English as a second language (ESL) classes for the organization’s service population of Sudanese immigrants.

“Lost Boys” is the term for the generation of Sudanese refugees orphaned and dislocated by religious and ethnic conflict since the mid-1980s. Since 2001, the U.S government has resettled many of them to Phoenix and other American cities.

Dak said the center is examining whether to start a training program for stay-at-home seniors. “We want to get elders a daycare worker's license, but with state requirements and liability, we're still looking at how that will work,” he explained.

Transportation Barrier Isolate Many

High unemployment among African immigrants and refugees also reflects their difficulty getting to and from work.

“Transportation definitely impacts a lot of people here,” acknowledges Lorraine Stewart, chief operating officer of the Maricopa County Area Agency on Aging.

Stewart states that there have been great strides in affordable housing and that support for elders is particularly strong within the religious community. She stressed, “But without transportation, elders can become extremely isolated.”

The Phoenix Valley Metro light rail system, a positive step toward public transportation access, began in 2008, and is a positive step. But many Valley residents require two or three transfers to reach work or school.

For African elders struggling to learn English and faced with the prospect of waiting for buses during triple-digit summer temperatures, the simplest errand in Phoenix can be daunting.

The urban sprawl of Phoenix can intensify elders’ isolation, leading to discouraging circumstances and depression among older Africans. “Elders need a place to gather,” says Abdulmajeed Dere, a Somali businessman and former caseworker of 10 years in the Valley.

Seniors often find themselves relying on case workers, volunteers and their working adult children for tasks ranging from the mundane to the essential, Dere said. This creates considerable strain on families with a dependent elder in the household, he added.

“They want to visit each other,” Dere said of Somali elders. “The [culture] they come from is about sitting together. When they have to stay at home because their young don't have time to take them back and forth, stress builds up.”

Dere knows of this stress first hand. His grown children attend Arizona State University and high school, while he and his wife manage a cafe in a plaza and a driving school. His typical work day, which runs from early morning until 8 p.m., leaves his mother, who is approaching her 70s, long periods to occupy herself.

The Somali community is concentrated on Phoenix’s east side, but Dere’s home is in Glendale, a long ride to the west.

Also, the strained economy in Phoenix has forced several potential gathering places to close. For example, the Somali Association of Arizona's Hope Center offered a score of services ranging from job training to citizenship classes, until it closed its doors in 2006, due to a lack of funding.

Generational Conflicts

When asked if elders are valued in the Somali community, Dere shrugged, calling the subject “a big challenge and messy.”

Often, he said, Africans recently immigrated to the United States discover that authority in the household is turned upside-down, in part, because of language difficulties.

Children, he said, usually adapt to American culture and learn English more quickly than their parents and grandparents. In a city with poor translation services in hospitals and schools, Dere continued, young family translators effectively become gatekeepers for their elders in accessing medical, legal or other services.

The result, Dere said, is to leave generations on either side of a widening cultural and digital divide. “Yes they can translate, but still a child doesn't know about legal things or immigration law,” he noted.

Despite the difficulty for African elders, English classes could provide the positive community space older adults long for, if done the right way.

“Elders want to see people they are close to,” Dere said. He stated that while volunteer agencies and community colleges provide ESL classes, they design them for the whole community. Many older immigrants find those environments intimidating.

Dere emphasized, “Remember these are people who have never attended formal school.”

Besides needing more training capacity in ESL and other skills, older Africans could benefit from fewer barriers to become childcare workers. Arizona requires those qualifying for a daycare worker's license to know English and be certified in cardio-pulmonary resuscitation.

Dak described the potential benefits of teaching a certification program to Sudanese elders that takes into account their learning styles. They would gain a greater sense of purpose, and relieve economic pressures on parents in their community struggling to make ends meet. “Do you know the (daycare) fees, if children are not picked up on time?” Dak laughs, shaking his head.

There are no easy answers for African elders in the Valley of the Sun, but efforts to meet the needs of this community group still persist despite the demanding economic obligations of working adults, and the dearth of funding available on the state level.

Wednesday, July 14, 2010

North Miami mayor invites Haitian immigrants

By Lee Hockstader
June 30, 2010

I recently had a conversation with the mayor of North Miami, Andre Pierre, who has the distinction of having invited thousands of generally low-skilled immigrants with an imperfect command of English to come settle in his city.

Pierre was chief sponsor of a resolution, passed without dissent by the U.S. Conference of Mayors a few weeks ago at its annual meeting. The resolution urged the Obama administration to accelerate entry for 55,000 Haitians whose petitions to immigrate to the United States have been accepted but who are languishing on waiting lists that could last up to 11 years. The conference justified its demand as a means to provide relief for the earthquake-battered nation and increase cash transfers from Haitians working in the U.S. back to their relatives at home. The 55,000 Haitians in question have relatives who are either American citizens or permanent legal residents living in the U.S.

Probably no city in America would be more affected than North Miami if the administration moved the Haitians up to the front of the visa line. According to Pierre, about a third of his 60,000-plus constituents are of Haitian descent, meaning that thousands more would be likely to settle in the city if the administration opened the doors to the Haitians. But he said his town is prepared.
“These are folks with family members who are U.S. citizens and residents who want to be reunited with their families,” he told us. “The U.S. has really nothing to lose by [allowing] them in -- the government wouldn’t be paying for their travel, passports, airfare, or to go to eat or live in a home or take a shower.”

As it happens, Pierre, 41 years old, is himself a Haitian immigrant; he arrived in New York as a teenager and, before attending college and law school, made his way by cutting grass, pumping gas and delivering newspapers. And he has a further personal interest: his brother-in-law and teenage nephew and niece, whose applications to immigrate to the U.S. were accepted in 2002, are still awaiting visas; they’ve been living in a tent since the Jan. 12 earthquake.

The proportion of this country’s foreign-born population is near historic highs, and unemployment is edging 10 percent. Many Americans are hostile to the idea of new immigration -- particularly if it involves low-skilled newcomers with rudimentary English. But the fact is that America has absorbed great waves of immigrants in the past, and most have become productive, patriotic citizens.

If tens of thousands of Haitians were admitted from the wait list, the burden would fall heavily on a handful of places -- cities such as Miami, New York and Boston. Those three cities owe much of their texture and flavor to immigrants from Haiti and elsewhere; they tend not to look at newly-arrived Haitians as a foreign element, but as part of the fabric of their communities. The most venomous grousing about the Haitians would be likely to come from elsewhere -- from Americans far from the cities that would actually feel the arrival of a new influx of immigrants. It certainly won’t come from Mayor Pierre.

U.S. Extends Deadline for Haitians to Get Protected Status

Haitian nationals who were in the United States prior to Haiti's deadly earthquake six months ago will have more time to apply for Temporary Protected Status after the government announced an extension for its filing deadline this week. The original filing period was set to expire next Wednesday, but has now been pushed back to January 18, 2011.

Temporary Protected Status offers these Haitian nationals the legal right to stay and work in the country for 18 months. It was announced days after the disaster as a compromise of sorts to stem an influx of refugees from the country. The hope was that by offering temporary legal status to Haitians, people here could continue to work and bolster the Haitian economy by sending remittances to family there.

But when DHS Secretary Janet Napolitano announced the offer of TPS on January 15, she also warned that those who arrived in the U.S. after the Jan. 12 quake would be deported. And dozens of refugees did end up getting caught up in immigration detention. MSNBC highlighted some of the myriad struggles facing Haitians who are trying to survive in New York six months after the earthquake. Homelessness, strained family relations, and little knowledge of or ability to access health care, are taking their toll on Haitians whose home country still has a long road ahead to full recovery.

As of April, the Department of Homeland Security was reporting that they'd received fewer applications for TPS than they'd expected. Only 10,000 people had applied, even though there are an estimated 200,000 undocumented Haitian nationals living in the country. Michelle Chen explored some of the reasons for the few applications: language barriers, a not insignificant filing fee of $500, uncertainty about getting tangled up in the immigration system, and a well-founded fear that registering with the government could lead to deportation down the line. Also, people with criminal convictions are ineligible for TPS.

The new extension on TPS will only be granted to Haitians who have stayed in the country continuously since the earthquake. People interested in filing for TPS can call 1-800-870-3676 or visit uscis.gov for more information.

Photo: Getty Images/Michael Nagle